#10 = Volume 3, Part 3 = November 1976
    
    
    Patrick Parrinder
    News from Nowhere, The Time Machine and the Break-Up
      of Classical Realism
    Critics of SF are understandably concerned with the integrity of the genre
      they study. Yet it is a commonplace that major works are often the fruit of an
      interaction of literary genres, brought about by particular historical
      pressures. Novels such as Don Quixote, Madame Bovary and Ulysses
      may be read as symptoms of cultural upheaval, parodying and rejecting whole
      classes of earlier fiction. My purpose is to suggest how this principle might be
      applied in the field of utopia and SF. While Morris’s News from Nowhere
      and Wells’s The Time Machine have many generic antecedents, their
      historical specificity will be revealed as that of conflicting and yet related
      responses to the break-up of classical realism at the end of the nineteenth
      century.1
    
      
    
    Patrick Brantlinger describes News from Nowhere in a recent essay2
      as "a conscious anti-novel, hostile to virtually every aspect of the great
      tradition of Victorian fiction." In a muted sense, such a comment might
      seem self-evident; Morris’s book is an acknowledged masterpiece of the
      "romance" genre which came to the fore as a conscious reaction against
      realistic fiction after about 1880. Yet News from Nowhere is radically
      unlike the work of Rider Haggard, R.L. Stevenson or their fellow-romancers in
      being a near-didactic expression of left-wing political beliefs. William Morris
      was a Communist, so that it is interesting to consider what might have been his
      reaction to Engels’ letter to Margaret Harkness (1888), with its unfavorable
      contrast of the "point blank socialist novel" or "Tendenzroman" to the "realism" of Balzac:
    
      
        That Balzac thus was compelled to go against his own class sympathies and
          political prejudices, that he saw the necessity of the downfall of
          his favourite nobles, and described them as people deserving no better fate;
          and that he saw the real men of the future where, for the time being,
          they alone were to be found—that I consider one of the greatest triumphs
          of Realism, and one of the grandest features in old Balzac.3
        
        
      
  
    It is not clear from the wording (the letter was written in English) whether
      Engels saw Balzac’s far-sightedness as a logical or an accidental product of
      the Realist movement which in his day extended to Flaubert, Zola, Turgenev,
      Tolstoy and George Eliot. Engels’ disparagement of Zola in this letter has led
      many Marxists to endorse Balzac’s technical achievement as a realist at the
      expense of his successors. Yet the passage might also be read as a tribute to
      Balzac’s social understanding and political integrity, without reference to
      any of the formal doctrines of realism. What is certain is that the
      "triumph" Balzac secured for the Realist school was in part a
      personal, moral triumph, based on his ability to discard his prejudices and see
      the true facts. Engels’s statement seems to draw on two senses of the term
      "realism," both of which originated in the nineteenth century. Nor, I
      think, is this coincidence of literary and political valuations accidental. The
      fiction of Stendhal, Balzac and Flaubert in particular is characterized by the
      systematic unmasking of bourgeois and romantic attitudes. In their political
      dimension, these novelists inherit a tradition of analysis going back to
      Machiavelli, and which is most evident in Stendhal, who was not a professional
      writer but an ex-administrator and diplomat. Harry Levin defines the realism of
      these novelists as a critical, negational mode in which "the truth is
      approximated by means of a satirical technique, by unmasking cant or debunking
      certain misconceptions."4 There are two processes suggested
      here: the writer’s own rejection of cant and ideology, and his "satirical
      technique." Both are common to many SF novels, including The Time
        Machine, although in terms of representational idiom these are the opposite
      of "realistic" works. News from Nowhere, on the other hand, is
      the utopian masterpiece of a writer who in his life went against his class
      sympathies and joined the "real men of the future," as Balzac did by
      implication in his books. Morris has this in common with Engels (who distrusted
      him personally). Hostile critics have seen his socialist works as merely a
      transposition of the longings for beauty, chivalry and vanquished greatness
      which inform his early poetry. As literary criticism this seems to me shallow.
      Nor do Morris’s political activities provide evidence of poetic escapism or
      refusal to face the facts. It was not by courtesy that he was eventually mourned
      as one of the stalwarts of the socialist movement.5
    
      
    
    On the surface, News from Nowhere (1890) was a response to a utopia by
      a fellow-socialist—Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward, published two
      years earlier. Morris reviewed it in The Commonweal, the weekly paper of
      the Socialist League, on 22 June 1889. He was appalled by the servility of
      Bellamy’s vision of the corporate state, and felt that the book was
      politically dangerous. He also noticed the subjectivity of the utopian form, its
      element of self-revelation. Whatever Bellamy’s intentions, his book was the
      expression of a typically Philistine, middle-class outlook. News from Nowhere
      was intended to provide a dynamic alternative to Bellamy’s model of socialist
      aspiration; a dream or vision which was ideologically superior as well as
      creative, organic and emotionally fulfilling where Bellamy’s was
      industrialized, mechanistic and stereotyped. Morris was strikingly successful in
      these aims. The conviction and resonance of his "utopian romance"
      speak, however, of deeper causes than the stimulus provided by Bellamy.
    News from Nowhere is constructed around two basic images or topoi:
      the miraculous translation of the narrator into a better future (contrasted with
      the long historical struggle to build that future, as described in the chapter
      "How the Change Came"), and the journey up the Thames, which becomes a
      richly nostalgic passage towards an uncomplicated happiness—a happiness which
      proves to be a mirage, and which author and reader can only aspire to in the
      measure in which they take up the burden of the present. Only the first of these
      topoi is paralleled in Bellamy. The second points in a quite different
      direction. News from Nowhere is a dream taking place within a frame of
      mundane political life—the meeting at which "there were six persons
      present, and consequently six sections of the party were represented, four of
      which had strong but divergent Anarchist opinions" (§1). The dream is only
      potentially a symbol of reality, since there is no pseudoscientific
      "necessity" that things will evolve in this way. The frame occasions a
      gentle didacticism (in dreams begin responsibilities), but also a degree of
      self-consciousness about the narrative art. "Guest," the narrator, is
      both a third person ("our friend") and Morris himself; the change from
      third-to first-person narration is made at the end of the opening chapter.
      Morris’s subtitle, furthermore, refers to the story as a "Utopian
      Romance." Many objections which have been made to the book reflect the
      reader’s discomfiture when asked to seriously imagine a world in which
      enjoyment and leisure are not paid for in the coin of other people’s
      oppression and suffering. It could be argued that Morris should not have
      attempted it—any more than Milton in Paradise Lost should have
      attempted the task of justifying the ways of God to men. Morris, however, held a
      view of the relation of art to politics which emphatically endorsed the project
      of imagining Nowhere.
    One of his guises is that of a self-proclaimed escapist: "Dreamer of
      dreams, born out of my due time,/Why should I strive to set the crooked
      straight?" News from Nowhere stands apart from these lines from The
        Earthly Paradise (1868-70), as well as from the majority of Morris’s prose
      romances. Together with A Dream of John Ball (1888) it was addressed to a
      socialist audience and serialized in The Commonweal. News from Nowhere
      retains some of the coloration of John Ball’s medieval setting, but,
      for a Victorian, radical medievalism could serve as an "estranging,"
      subversive technique. Two of the major diagnoses of industrial civilization,
      Carlyle’s Past and Present and Ruskin’s essay "The Nature of
      Gothic," bear witness to the power of such medievalist imagination. Morris’s
      own influential lectures on art derive from "The Nature of Gothic,"
      and are strenuous attempts to "set the crooked straight" even at the
      cost of violent revolution and the destruction of the hierarchical and
      predominantly "literary" art of the bourgeoisie.6 It is
      easy to find gaps between his theory of culture and his practice in literature
      and the decorative arts.7 Nonetheless, his attack on middle-class art
      finds important expression in News from Nowhere, which is an attempt to
      reawaken those aspirations in the working class which have been deadened and
      stultified under capitalism. Genuine art for Morris does more than merely
      reflect an impoverished life back to the reader: "It is the province of art
      to set the true ideal of a full and reasonable life before [the worker], a life
      to which the perception and creation of beauty, the enjoyment of real pleasure
      that is, shall be felt to be as necessary to man as his daily bread."8
      News from Nowhere, however deficient in political science, is a moving
      and convincing picture of a community of individuals living full and reasonable
      lives. The "enjoyment of real pleasure" begins when the narrator wakes
      on a sunny summer morning, steps out of his Thames-side house and meets the
      boat-man who, refusing payment, takes him for a leisurely trip on the river.
    Morris’s attack on the shoddiness of Victorian design and the separation of
      high art from popular art was pressed home in his lectures. In News from
        Nowhere he turns his attention to another product of the same ethos—the
      Victorian novel. Guest’s girlfriend, Ellen, tells him that there is
      "something loathsome" about nineteenth-century novelists.
    
      
        Some of them, indeed, do here and there show some feeling for those whom
          the history-books call "poor," and of the misery of whose lives we
          have some inkling; but presently they give it up, and towards the end of the
          story we must be contented to see the hero and heroine living happily in an
          island of bliss on other people’s troubles; and that after a long series
          of sham troubles (or mostly sham) of their own making, illustrated by dreary
          introspective nonsense about their feelings and aspirations, and all the
          rest of it; while the world must even then have gone on its way, and dug and
          sewed and baked and carpentered round about these useless—animals. [§22]
      
  
    Morris introduced his poem The Earthly Paradise as the tale of an
      "isle of bliss" amid the "beating of the steely sea"; but
      the "hero and heroine" evoked by Ellen are also clearly from Dickens.
      (The "dreary introspective nonsense" might be George Eliot’s.) Guest
      is seen by the Nowherians as an emissary from the land of Dickens (§19). Both
      Morris and Bellamy shared the general belief that future generations would
      understand the Victorian period through Dickens’s works. In Looking
        Backward, Dr Leete is the spokesman for a more bourgeois posterity:
    
      
        Judged by our standard, he [Dickens] overtops all the writers of his age,
          not because his literary genius was highest, but because his great heart
          beat for the poor, because he made the cause of the victims of society his
          own, and devoted his pen to exposing its cruelties and shams. No man of his
          time did so much as he to turn men’s minds to the wrong and wretchedness
          of the old order of things, and open their eyes to the necessity of the
          great change that was coming, although he himself did not clearly foresee
          it. [§13]
      
  
    Not only Morris would have found this "Philistine." But Morris’s
      Ellen and Bellamy’s Dr Leete are on opposite sides in the ideological debate
      about Dickens’s value, which continues to this day. One of the earliest
      critics to register Dickens’s ambiguity was Ruskin, who denounced Bleak
        House as an expression of the corruption of industrial society, while
      praising Hard Times for its harshly truthful picture of the same society.10
      Morris, too, was divided in his response. When asked to list the world’s
      hundred best books, he came up with 54 names which included Dickens as the
      foremost contemporary novelist. The list was dominated by the "folk bibles"—traditional
      epics, folktales and fairy tales—which he drew upon in his romances.11
      Dickens’s humour and fantasy appealed to the hearty, extrovert side of Morris
      stressed by his non-socialist friends and biographers.12 Yet he also
      reprinted the "Podsnap" chapter of Our Mutual Friend in The
        Commonweal,13 and inveighed against Podsnappery and the
      "counting-house on the top of a cinder-heap" in his essay "How I
      Became a Socialist." It is the world of the counting-house on the
      cinder-heap—the world of Our Mutual Friend—whose negation Morris set
      out to present in News from Nowhere.
    Not only do the words "our friend" identify Guest on the opening
      page, but one of the earliest characters Morris introduces is Henry Johnson,
      nicknamed Boffin or the "Golden Dustman" in honour of a Dickensian
      forebear. Mr. Boffin in Our Mutual Friend is a legacy-holder earnestly
      acquiring some culture at the hands of the unscrupulous Silas Wegg; Morris’s
      Golden Dustman really is both a cultured man and a dustman, and is leading a
      "full and reasonable life." He has a Dickensian eccentricity, quite
      frequent among the Nowherians and a token of the individuality their society
      fosters. This character, I would suggest, is strategically placed to insinuate
      the wider relation of Morris’s "Utopian Romance" to
      nineteenth-century fiction.
    The tone of News from Nowhere is set by Guest’s initial outing on
      the Thames. Going to bed in mid-winter, he wakes to his boat-trip on an early
      morning in high summer. The water is clear, not muddy, and the bridge beneath
      which he rows is not of iron construction but a medieval creation resembling the
      Ponte Vecchio or the twelfth-century London Bridge. The boatman lacks the
      stigmata of the "working man" and looks amazed when Guest offers him
      money. This boat-trip is a negative counterpart to the opening chapter of Our
        Mutual Friend, in which Gaffer Hexam, a predatory Thames waterman, and his
      daughter Lizzie are disclosed rowing on the river at dusk on an autumn evening.
      Southwark and London Bridges, made of iron and stone respectively, tower above
      them. The water is slimy and oozy, the boat is caked with mud and the two people
      are looking for the floating corpses of suicides which provide a regular, indeed
      a nightly, source of livelihood. Dickens created no more horrifying image of
      city life. His scavengers inaugurate a tale of murderousness, conspiracy and
      bitter class-jealousy. Morris’s utopian waterman, by contrast, guides his
      Guest through a classless world in which creativity and a calm Epicureanism
      flourish.
    Two further Dickensian parallels centre upon the setting of the river. The
      Houses of Parliament in News from Nowhere have been turned into the Dung
      Market, a storage place for manure. Dickens scrupulously avoids the explicitly
      excremental, but in Hard Times he calls Parliament the "national
      cinder-heap," and a reference to the sinister dust-heaps of Our Mutual
        Friend may also be detected both here and in "How I Became a
      Socialist." It seems the Nowherians have put the home of windbags and
      scavengers to its proper purpose. In the second half of News from Nowhere,
      Guest journeys up-river with a party of friends; this, again, perhaps recalls
      the furtive and murderous journey of Bradley Headstone along the same route.
      Headstone tracks down Eugene Wrayburn, his rival for the love of Lizzie Hexam.
      Guest’s love for Ellen, by contrast, flourishes among friends who are free
      from sexual jealousy. Yet jealousy has not disappeared altogether, for at Mapledurham the travelers hear of a quarrel in which a jilted lover attacked
      his rival with an axe (§24). Shortly afterwards, we meet the Obstinate Refusers,
      whose abstention from the haymaking is likened to that of Dickensian characters
      refusing to celebrate Christmas. Even in the high summer of Nowhere, the dark
      shadow of Dickens is occasionally present, preparing for the black cloud at the
      end of the book under which Guest returns to the nineteenth century.
    News from Nowhere has a series of deliberate echoes of Dickens’s
      work, and especially of Our Mutual Friend. Such echoes sharpen the reader’s
      sense of a miraculous translation into the future. In chapters 17 and 18 the
      miracle is "explained" by Hammond’s narrative of the political
      genesis of Nowhere—a narrative which recalls the historiographical aims of
      novelists such as Scott, Disraeli and George Eliot. These elements of future
      history and Dickensian pastiche show Morris subsuming and rejecting the
      tradition of Victorian fiction and historiography. The same process guides his
      depiction of the kinds of individual and social relationships which constitute
      the ideal of a "full and reasonable life." Raymond Williams has
      defined the achievement of classical realism in terms of the balance it
      maintains between social and personal existence: "It offers a valuing of a
      whole way of life, a society that is larger than any of the individuals
      composing it, and at the same time valuing creations of human beings who, while
      belonging to and affected by and helping to define this way of life, are also,
      in their own terms, absolute ends in themselves. Neither element, neither the
      society nor the individual, is there as a priority."14 SF and
      utopian fiction are notorious for their failure to maintain such a balance. But
      the achievement that Williams celebrates should be regarded, in my view, not as
      an artistic unity so much as a coalition of divergent interests.
      Coalitions are produced by the pressures of history; by the same pressures they
      fall apart. In mid-Victorian fiction, the individual life is repeatedly defined
      and valued in terms of its antithesis to the crowd, or mass society.
      The happiness of Dickens’s Little Dorrit and Clennam is finally engulfed by
      the noise of the streets; characters like George Eliot’s Lydgate and Gwendolen
      Harleth are proud individuals struggling to keep apart from the mass, while
      their creator sets out to record the "whisper in the roar of hurrying
      existence."15 The looming threat of society in these novels is
      weighed against the possibility of spiritual growth. George Eliot portrays the
      mental struggles of characters who are, in the worldly sense, failures. She
      cannot portray them achieving social success commensurate with their gifts, so
      that even at her greatest her social range remains determinedly
      "provincial" and she can define her characters’ limitations with the
      finality of an obituarist. She cannot show the source of change, only its
      effects and the way it is resisted. Dickens’s despair at the irreducible face
      of society led him in his later works to fantasize it, portraying it as
      throttled by monstrous institutions and presided over by spirits and demons. His
      heroes and heroines are safe from the monstrous tentacles only in their
      "island of bliss." One reason why Dickens’s domestic scenes are so
      overloaded with sentimental significance is that here his thwarted utopian
      instincts were forced to seek outlet. The house as a miniature paradise offsets
      the hell of a society.
    It should not be surprising that a novelist such as Dickens possessed
      elements of a fantastic and utopian vision.16 They are distorted and
      disjointed elements, whereas Morris in News from Nowhere takes similar
      elements and reunites them in a pure and uncomplex whole. Several of his
      individual characters display a Dickensian eccentricity, and they all have the
      instant capacity for mutual recognition and trust which Dickens’s good
      characters show. Yet this mutual trust is all-embracing; it no longer defines
      who you are, since it extends to everybody, even the most casual acquaintances
      (Hammond, the social philosopher of Nowhere, explains that there are no longer
      any criminal classes, since crimes are not the work of fugitive outcasts but the
      "errors of friends" [§12]). Guest’s sense of estrangement in
      Nowhere is most vivid in the early scenes where he is shown round London. Not
      only has the city become a garden suburb and the crowds thinned out, but the
      people he meets are instinctively friendly, responding immediately to a stranger’s
      glance. They are the antithesis of Dickens’s crowds of the "noisy and the
      eager and the arrogant and the forward and the vain," which "fretted,
      and chafed, and made their usual uproar."17 The friendly crowd
      is such a paradox that Morris’s imagination ultimately fails him slightly, so
      that he relapses into Wardour Street fustian:
    
      
        Therewith he drew rein and jumped down, and I followed. A very handsome
          woman, splendidly clad in figured silk, was slowly passing by, looking into
          the windows as she went. To her quoth Dick: "Maiden, would you kindly
          hold our horse while we go in for a little?" She nodded to us with a
          kind smile, and fell to patting the horse with her pretty hand. "What a beautiful creature!" said I to Dick as we entered. "What, old Greylocks?" said he, with a sly grin. "No, no," said I; "Goldylocks,—the lady." [§6]
      
  
    Morris here is feeling his way toward the authentically childlike view of
      sexual relationships which emerges during the journey up-river. Guest begins to
      enjoy a gathering fulfillment, movingly portrayed but also clearly regressive.
      Annie at Hammersmith is a mother-figure, Ellen a mixture of sister and childhood
      sweetheart. Guest, though past his prime of life, feels a recovery of vigour
      which is, in the event, illusory; his fate is not to be rejuvenated in Nowhere
      but to return to the nineteenth century, strengthened only in his longing for
      change. Though he shares his companions’ journey to the haymaking, his
      exclusion from the feast to celebrate their arrival is another inverted
      Dickensian symbol.18 The return to the present is doubly upsetting to
      the "happy ending" convention (seen for example in Bellamy); for it is
      not a nightmare but a stoical affirmation of political responsibility. Guest’s
      last moments in Nowhere show him rediscovering the forgotten experience of
      alienation and anonymity.
    Dickens and George Eliot were moralists in their fiction and supporters of
      social and educational reform outside it. Morris worked to improve Victorian
      taste while coming to believe that there were no "moral" or
      "reformist" solutions to the social crisis. It was the perspective of
      the labour movement and the revolutionary "river of fire"19
      which enabled him to reassemble the distorted affirmation of a Dickens novel
      into a clear, utopian vision. His vision draws strength from its fidelity to
      socialist ideals and to Morris’s own emotional needs. But Morris, for all his
      narrative self-consciousness, can only register and not transcend what is
      ultimately an aesthetic impasse. His book is News from Nowhere, or An
        Epoch of Rest; it shows not only the redemption of man’s suffering past
      but his enjoyment of Arcadian quietism. In Nowhere pleasure may be had
      "without an afterthought of the injustice and miserable toil which made my
      leisure" (§20). Morris omits to describe how in economic terms leisure is
      produced, and how in political terms a society built by the mass labour movement
      has dispersed into peaceful anarchism. He stakes everything on the mood of
      "second childhood":
    
      
        "Second childhood," said I in a low voice, and then blushed at
          my double rudeness, and hoped that he hadn’t heard. But he had, and turned
          to me smiling, and said: "Yes, why not? And for my part, I hope it may
          last long; and that the world’s next period of wise and unhappy manhood,
          if that should happen, will speedily lead us to a third childhood: if indeed
          this age be not our third. Meantime, my friend, you must know that we are
          too happy, both individually and collectively to trouble ourselves about
          what is to come hereafter." [§16]
      
  
    It is true that the passage hints at further labours of social construction
      lying in store for man. Morris, however, prefers not to contemplate them. One is
      forced to conclude that in News from Nowhere the ideal of the perfection
      of labour is developed as an alternative to the dynamism of Western society. We
      are left with the irresolvable ambiguity of the Morrisian utopia, which peoples
      an exemplary socialist society with characters who are, in the strict sense in
      which Walter Pater had used the term, decadents.20
    
      
    
    H.G. Wells first listened to Morris at socialist meetings at Hammersmith
      in the 1880s. Even for a penniless South Kensington science student, attending
      such meetings was an act of social defiance. But, as he later recalled, he soon
      forgot his "idea of a council of war, and...was being vastly entertained by
      a comedy of picturesque personalities."21 He saw Morris as
      trapped in the role of poet and aesthete, yet in A Modem Utopia (1905) he
      readily acknowledged the attractiveness of a Morrisian earthly paradise:
    
      
        Were we free to have our untrammeled desire, I suppose we should follow
          Morris to his Nowhere, we should change the nature of man and the nature of
          things together; we should make the whole race wise, tolerant, noble,
          perfect—wave our hands to a splendid anarchy, every man doing as it
          pleases him, and none pleased to do evil, in a world as good in its
          essential nature, as ripe and sunny, as the world before the Fall.22
        
        
      
  
    Wells, in effect, accuses Morris of lacking intellectual "realism."
      His response to this appears to far less advantage in A Modem Utopia,
      however, than it does in his dystopian works beginning with The Time Machine
      (1895). A Modern Utopia is an over-ambitious piece of system-building,
      reflecting its author’s eclectic search for a "new aristocracy" or
      administrative elite; The Time Machine is a mordantly critical
      examination of concepts of evolution and progress and the future state, with
      particular reference to News from Nowhere.
    While Guest wakes up in Hammersmith, the Time Traveler climbs down from his
      machine in the year 802,701 A.D. at a spot about three miles away, in what was
      formerly Richmond. The gay, brightly-dressed people, the verdant park landscape
      and the bathing in the river are strongly reminiscent of Morris. The Eloi live
      in palace-like communal buildings, and are lacking in personal or sexual
      differentiation. On the evening of his arrival, the Time Traveler walks up to a
      hilltop and surveys the green landscape, murmuring "Communism" to
      himself (§6). The reference is to Morris rather than to Marx (whose work and
      ideas Wells never knew well). Wells has already begun his merciless examination
      of the "second childhood" which Morris blithely accepted in Nowhere.
    From the moment of landing we are aware of tension in the Time Traveler’s
      responses. He arrives in a thunderstorm near a sinister colossus, the White
      Sphinx, and soon he is in a frenzy of fear. The hospitality of the Eloi, who
      shower him with garlands and fruit, does not cure his anxiety. Unlike most
      previous travelers in utopia, he is possessed of a human pride, suspicion and
      highly-strung sensitivity which he cannot get rid of. He reacts with
      irritability when asked if he has come from the sun in a thunderstorm: "It
      let loose the judgment I had suspended upon their clothes, their frail light
      limbs and fragile features. A flow of disappointment rushed across my mind. For
      a moment I felt that I had built the Time Machine in vain" (§5). When they
      teach him their language, it is he who feels like a "schoolmaster amidst
      children," and soon he has the Eloi permanently labelled as a class of five-year-olds.
    The apparent premise of The Time Machine is one of scientific
      anticipation, the imaginative working-out of the laws of evolution and
      thermodynamics, with a dash of Marxism added. Critics sometimes stress the
      primacy of the didactic surface in such writing.23 But The Time
        Machine is not exhausted once we have paraphrased its explicit message. Like
      News from Nowhere, it is a notably self-conscious work. Wells’s story-telling
      frame is more elaborate than Morris’s, and Robert M. Philmus has drawn
      attention to the studied ambiguity Wells puts in the Time Traveller’s mouth:
      "Take it as a lie—or a prophecy. Say I dreamed it in the workshop"
      (§16).24 One of his hero’s ways of authenticating his story is to
      expose the fabrications of utopian writers. A "real traveller," he
      protests, has no access to the "vast amount of detail about building, and
      social arrangements, and so forth" found in utopian versions (§8). He has
      "no convenient cicerone in the pattern of the Utopian books" (§8). He
      has to work everything out for himself by a process of conjecture and refutation—a
      crucial feature of The Time Machine which does much to convey the sense
      of intellectual realism and authenticity. The visit to the Palace of Green
      Porcelain parallels Guest’s visit to the British Museum, but instead of a
      Hammond authoritatively placed to expound "How the Change Came," the
      Time Traveller must rely on habits of observation and reasoning which his
      creator acquired at the Normal School of Science.
    In The Time Machine Wells uses a hallowed device of realistic fiction—the
      demonstration of superior authenticity over some other class of fictions—in a
      "romance" context. His aim is, in Levin’s words, to "unmask cant" and debunk misconceptions. The truths he affirms are both of a
      scientific (or Huxleyan) and a more traditional sort. The world of Eloi and
      Morlocks is revealed first as devolutionary and then as one of predator and
      prey, of homo homini lupus. This must have a political, not merely a
      biological significance. No society, Wells is saying, can escape the brutish
      aspects of human nature defined by classical bourgeois rationalists such as
      Machiavelli and Hobbes. A society that claims to have abolished these aspects
      may turn out to be harbouring predatoriness in a peculiarly horrible form. This
      must become apparent once we can see the whole society. In Morris’s
      Nowhere, part of the economic structure is suppressed; there is no way of
      knowing what it would have been like. In The Time Machine it is only
      necessary to put the Eloi and Morlocks in the picture together—whether they
      are linked by a class relationship, or a species relationship, or some
      evolutionary combination of the two—to destroy the mirage of utopian
      communism. The Dickensian society of scavengers cannot be so lightly dismissed.
    In contrast to Morris’s mellow Arcadianism, The Time Machine is an
      aggressive book, moving through fear and melodrama to the heights of poetic
      vision. The story began as a philosophical dialogue and emerged from successive
      revisions as a gripping adventure-tale which is also a mine of poetic symbolism.
      To read through the various versions is to trace Wells’s personal discovery of
      the "scientific romance."25 The Time Machine in its
      final form avoids certain limitations of both the Victorian realist novel and
      the political utopia. An offshoot of Wells’s use of fantasy to explore man’s
      temporal horizons is that he portrays human nature as at once more exalted and
      more degraded than the conventional realist estimate.
    Imagining the future liberates Wells’s hero from individual moral
      constraints; the story reveals a devolved, simian species which engages the Time
      Traveler in a ruthless, no-holds-barred struggle. The scenario of the future is
      a repository for symbolism of various kinds. The towers and shafts of the story
      are recognizably Freudian, while the names of the Eloi and Morlocks allude to
      Miltonic angels and devils. The Time Traveler himself is a variant of the
      nineteenth-century romantic hero. Like Frankenstein, he is a modern Prometheus.
      The identification is sealed in the Palace of Green Porcelain episode, where he
      steals a matchbox from the museum of earlier humanity, whose massive
      architectural remains might be those of Titans. But there is no longer a fit
      recipient for the gift of fire, and the Time Traveler’s matches are only lit
      in self-defense. We see him travel to the end of the world, alone, clasped to
      his machine on the sea-shore. When he fails to return from his second journey we
      might imagine him as condemned to perpetual time-traveling, as Prometheus was
      condemned to perpetual torture.
    There are few unqualified heroes in Victorian realistic fiction (this is a
      question of generic conventions, not of power of characterization). The zenith
      of the realist’s art appears in characters such as Lydgate, Dorothea, Pip and
      Clennam, all of whom are shown as failures, and not often very dignified
      failures. They are people circumscribed and hemmed in by bourgeois existence.
      Intensity of consciousness alone distinguishes theirs from the average life of
      the ordinary member of their social class. As against this, Wells offers an epic
      adventurer who (like Morris’s knights and saga-heroes) is close to the
      supermen of popular romance. His hero is guilty of sexual mawkishness and
      indulges in Byronic outbursts of temperament. But what distinguishes him from
      the run-of-the-mill fantasy hero is the epic and public nature of his mission.
      As Time Traveler he takes up the major cognitive challenge of the Darwinist
      age. He boasts of coming "out of this age of ours, this ripe prime of the
      human race, when Fear does not paralyze and mystery has lost its terrors"
      (§10). The retreat of superstition before the skeptical, scientific attitude
      dictated that the exploit of a modern Prometheus or Faust should be told in a
      scaled-down, "romance" form. Nonetheless, the Time Traveler shares
      the pride of the scientists, inventors and explorers of the nineteenth century,
      and not the weakness or archaism of its literary heroes.
    There is a dark side to his pride. The scene where he surveys the burning
      Morlocks shows Wells failing to distance his hero sufficiently. The Time
      Traveler is not ashamed of his cruel detachment from the species he studies,
      nor does he regret having unleashed his superior "firepower." His only
      remorse is for Weena, the one creature he responded to as "human," and
      Wells hints that her death provides justification for the slaughter of the
      Morlocks. This rationalization is a clear example of imperialist psychology; but
      Wells was both critic and product of the imperialist ethos. Morris, who was so
      sharp about Bellamy, would surely have spotted his vulnerability here. It is not
      merely the emotions of scientific curiosity which are satisfied by the portrayal
      of a Hobbesian, dehumanized world.
    News from Nowhere and The Time Machine are based on a fusion of
      propaganda and dream. Their complexity is due in part to the generic
      interactions which I have traced. Morris turns from the degraded world of
      Dickens to create its negative image in a Nowhere of mutual trust and mutual
      fulfillment. Wells writes a visionary satire on the utopian idea which
      reintroduces the romantic hero as explorer and prophet of a menacing future.
      Both writers were responding to the break-up of the coalition of interests in
      mid-Victorian fiction, and their use of fantasy conventions asserted the place
      of visions and expectations in the understanding of contemporary reality.
      Schematically, we may see Wells’s SF novel as a product of the warring poles
      of realism and utopianism, as represented by Dickens and Morris. More generally,
      I would suggest that to study the aetiology of works such as News from
        Nowhere and The Time Machine is to ask oneself fundamental questions
      about the nature and functions of literary "realism."
    NOTES
    1. I use "realism" in a broadly Lukacsian sense, to
      denote the major representational idiom of 19th-century fiction. See e.g. Georg
      Lukács, Studies in European Realism (US 1964). I also argue that
      "realism" in literature cannot ultimately be separated from the modern
      non-literary senses of the term. No sooner is a convention of literary realism
      established than the inherently dynamic "realistic outlook" starts to
      turn against that convention.
    2. Patrick Brantlinger, "News from Nowhere: Morris’s
      Socialist Anti-Novel," Victorian Studies 19(1975):35ff. This article
      examines Morris’s aesthetic in greater depth than was possible here, with
      conclusions that are close to my own.
    3. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, On Literature and Art,
      ed. Lee Baxandall and Stefan Morawski (US 1974), p 117.
    4. Harry Levin, The Gates of Horn (US 1966), p 55.
    5. The best political biography is E.P. Thompson, William
      Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary (UK 1955).
    6. Morris’s published lectures are reprinted in his Collected
      Works, ed. May Morris, vols. 22-23 (UK 1914), and some unpublished ones in
        The Unpublished Lectures of William Morris, ed. Eugene D. LeMire (US 1969).
      Three recent (but no more than introductory) selections are: William Morris:
        Selected Writings and Designs, ed. Asa Briggs (US-UK 1962); Political
          Writings of William Morris, ed. A.L. Morton (US—UK 1962); and William
            Morris, Selected Writings, ed. G.H. Cole (US 1961).
    7. Morris took up the practice of handicrafts in 1860 and
      became, in effect, an extremely successful middle-class designer. His theories
      of the unity of design and execution were often in advance of his workshop
      practice. See e.g. Peter Floud, "The Inconsistencies of William
      Morris," The Listener 52 (1954):615ff.
    8. Morris, "How I Became a Socialist" (1894).
    9. See note 6.
    10. Ruskin commented on Bleak House in "Fiction—Fair
      and Foul," published in the Nineteenth Century (1880-1), and on Hard
        Times in Unto This Last (1860).
    11. Collected Works 22:xiii ff.
    12. J.W. Mackail records somewhat fatuously that "In the
      moods when he was not dreaming of himself as Tristram or Sigurd, he identified
      himself very closely with...Joe Gargery and Mr Boffin." — The Life of
        William Morris (UK 1901),1:220-21. Cf. Paul Thompson, The Work of William
          Morris (UK 1967), p 149.
    13. See E.P. Thompson (Note 5) pp 165-67. I have not managed
      to locate this in the files of The Commonweal.
    14. Raymond Williams, The Long Revolution (UK
      1961), p 268.
    15. George Eliot, Introduction to Felix Holt
      (1866).
    16. The fantastic and utopian elements in Dickens are
      associated with his genius for satire and melodrama: with his vision of the
      interlocking, institutional character of social evil, and his delight in sharp
      and magical polarizations between the strongholds of evil and those of beauty
      and innocence. The elements of traditional romance in Dickens’s vision make
      him an exaggerated, but by no means unique case; a utopian element could, I
      think, be traced in every great novelist.
    17. Dickens, Little Dorrit, §34.
    18. Tom Middlebro argues that both river and feast are
      "religious symbols"—"Brief Thoughts on News from Nowhere,"
      Journal of the William Morris Society 2(1970):8. If so, this was true for
      Dickens as well, and I would see him as Morris’s immediate source. The
      symbolism of the feast is present in all Dickens’s works and has been
      discussed by Angus Wilson, "Charles Dickens: A Haunting," Critical
        Quarterly 2(1960):107-08.
    19. Morris, "The Prospects of Architecture in
      Civilization" in Hopes and Fears for Art (1882).
    20. Pater describes the poetry of the Pleiade as "an
      aftermath, a wonderful later growth, the products of which have to the full the
      subtle and delicate sweetness which belong to a refined and comely
      decadence." Preface to The Renaissance (1873). The compatibility of
      one aspect of Pater’s and Morris’s sensibility is suggested by the former’s
      review of "Poems by William Morris," Westminster Review 34
      (1868):300ff.
    21. Saturday Review 82 (1896):413.
    22. Wells, A Modern Utopia §1:1.
    23. See e.g. Joanna Russ’s remarks on The Time Machine,
      SFS 2 (1975):114-15.
    24. Robert M. Philmus, Into the Unknown (US 1970), p
      73.
    25. The most telling contrast is with the National Observer
      version (1894). For a reprint of this and an account of Wells’s revisions of The
        Time Machine see his Early Writings in Science and Science Fiction,
      ed. Robert M. Philmus and David Y. Hughes (US 1975), pp 47ff.
    
      
    
     
    ABSTRACT
    William Morris’s News From Nowhere and H. G.
      Wells’s The Time Machine are based on a fusion of propaganda and dream. Their
      complexity is due in part to generic interactions: Morris turns from the degraded world of
      Dickens to create his negative image in a Nowhere of mutual trust and mutual fulfillment.
      Wells writes a visionary satire on the utopian idea that reintroduces the romantic hero as
      explorer and prophet of a menacing future. Both writers were responding to the break-up of
      the coalition of interests in mid-Victorian realistic fiction, and their use of fantasy
      conventions asserted the place of visions and expectations in the understanding of
      contemporary reality. Schematically, we may see Wells’s SF novel as a product of the
      warring poles of realism and utopianism, as represented by Dickens and Morris. More
      generally, to study the etiology of works such as News From Nowhere and The Time
        Machine is to ask fundamental questions about the nature and functions of literary
      "realism."